4. Results
The 17 participants spoke to us about various themes from which we drew answers to our main concern: gaining a different understanding of the practices of eco-guards during patrols in Kundelungu National Park.
4.1. Missions and Organization of Eco-guard Patrols in Kundelungu National Park
The eco-guard patrol is a mobile surveillance activity in the park whose objectives include the following surveillance missions:
4.1.1. Ensuring Integrity
This consists of:
1) Combating illegal intrusions,
2) Identifying illegal activities, and
3) Deterring communities from cultivating or practicing poaching, as well as destroying wild crops or flora.
4.1.2. Bio Monitoring
Monitoring the evolving trends of different species, habitats, and threats; impacts linked to climate change; different bushfire regimes; as well as socio-economic aspects and ecosystem services (provisioning, regulating, cultural, and supporting services).
Bio monitoring is carried out through observation, meaning the collection of the following data: nests, dung, calls, carcasses, tracks including footprints, browsing signs, and food remains (particularly for important species such as antelopes, warthogs, kob, etc.).
4.1.3. Habitat Restoration
Habitat management consists of operations aimed at restoring a habitat to its original or natural state. In Kundelungu National Park, habitat management mainly involves controlled burning of dry grasses so that fresh green grass can grow—preferred food for herbivores. These operations are conducted mainly on the plateau during the dry season
| [9] | Patrol Report, Kundelungu National Park, 2018. |
[9]
.
4.2. Types and Organization of Eco-guard Patrols
Eco-guards conduct different types of surveillance patrols. There are round-trip patrols and tent-based patrols, the latter involving a significant number of agents deployed inside the protected area for an average duration of about ten days.
The typology of patrols is specified in the surveillance standards document. Indeed, the following types are distinguished:
4.2.1. Round-trip Patrols
Round-trip patrols are organized at the various patrol posts and stations, with an average of three guards assigned to cover a specific area following the routes and instructions written on the service bulletin. These patrols are conducted daily and cover small areas located near the guards’ duty stations.
4.2.2. Tent-based Patrols
In order to cover large areas of the Park, managers plan patrols lasting from two to several days, during which guards camp or conduct rounds inside the forest, targeting zones known to be used by poachers. These zones are selected based on investigative information collected by different persons in regular contact with the park managers or with the guards (local informants), or based on previous patrol coverage.
The primary areas of intervention for park surveillance agents are the territories inside the park. However, when necessary, unannounced checks may also be carried out around the periphery of protected areas to combat the illicit trafficking of natural resources that may originate from the park.
4.3. Organization of Eco-guard Patrols
Patrol organization in Kundelungu National Park is considered a priority activity by park managers, with the goal of reducing illegal activities that can lead to the depletion of wildlife populations. To deter poachers, managers organize both round-trip patrols and tent-based patrols from different patrol posts. The organization of surveillance operations follows the steps below:
4.3.1. Planning Eco-guard Patrols
The mission objective is clearly defined by the Coordinator of the mobile brigade or the Sector Chief to the mission leader or the entire team during a briefing. Orders for the operation are communicated to the agents during this exchange. The mission’s purpose and the means to be deployed are identified beforehand. Technical and material preparation of the mission is then initiated to achieve the intended objectives.
The mission is prepared and executed according to the method: “personnel, weapons, uniform/individual or collective equipment, radio/communication, food/rations, command/organization, schedule/date, starting route, end date, and appointment time and place for the vehicles forming the group.”
4.3.2. Execution of Missions
The composition of surveillance teams depends on the mission’s objective and duration. Each team is led by a mission chief who ensures that the mission’s purpose is achieved by issuing the appropriate orders to carry out necessary field operations. He also ensures the collection—using tablets and GPS—of information on the patrol and indicators of aggression against natural resources in the protected area.
4.3.3. Mission Report
Upon returning from the mission, the mission leader gives a debriefing to their hierarchical superior. Then, the data collected in the field are transferred and archived in the SMART database. These data are later visualized to better understand the report and guide subsequent analysis. Finally, the mission leader produces a mission report, which is archived and used for planning future patrols.
4.4. Eco-guards Practices During Patrols in Kundelungu National Park
From our observations, two types of practices emerge among patrolling eco-guards: formal practices and informal practices.
4.4.1. Formal Practices of Eco-guards During Patrols in Kundelungu National Park
1) The practice of “kuyaja mikanda ya patrouille” or patrol data collection
The expression “kuyaja mikanda ya patrouille” is a Swahili term used by eco-guards that means “filling in patrol documents” in French. They use this term to refer to “patrol data collection.” According to the data collected in the field, patrol data collection is a practice carried out during patrols to help the hierarchy determine where upcoming patrols should be directed—identifying the most vulnerable areas to prioritize. It also allows the monitoring of evolving trends in species, habitats, threats, impacts of climate change, bushfire regimes, as well as socio-economic aspects and ecosystem services (provisioning, regulating, cultural, supporting).
The brigade chief at Katwe station, Eco-guard MUKEBO, explained it as follows:
“During patrols, we are always instructed to collect patrol data focusing on the following themes: waypoints (location), mammals, illegal activities, reptiles, birds, habitats, and other ecological features such as rivers, caves, cultural sites, and information on the limits of the protected area, such as signs and boundary markers. All observations are recorded on pre-designed sheets. Each must be geo-referenced using a GPS. Considering movement speed in the forest, every 30 minutes must be documented. Other points to record include: start of the patrol (daily), end of the patrol (daily), start and end of breaks, each change of transportation mode (e.g., boat, vehicle, on foot), and patrol camps.”
It should be noted that data collection is the
main practice supporting the nature conservation policy in Kundelungu National Park. In the organizational dimension
| [10] | Scieur, P. (2011). Sociology of Organizations: Introduction to the Analysis of Organized Collective Action, 3rd ed., Paris, Armand Colin. P 221. |
[10]
, the eco-guard brigade is considered a structural and collective form of rational action, having the same properties and dimensions as the global system in which it is integrated. Within the institution of Kundelungu National Park, this brigade is a structure of rational collective action whose responsibilities include patrol data collection—rigorously applying the patroller’s technical sheet, identifying all evidence of human-caused aggression on the site, recording all observed aggressions, taking GPS readings to geolocate the area precisely, and observing traces and signs of animal presence. These responsibilities align with the park’s primary objective:
nature protection and conservation.
2) The practice of “kutshoma mayani” or burning dry grasses
The practice “kutshoma mayani” means “setting dry grass on fire.” This is a practice we observed among the eco-guards. On orders from their hierarchy, they burn dry grasses to eliminate them so that young green grasses can grow, as these are the preferred food of herbivores. These operations take place mainly on the high plateau during the dry season.
The patrol post chief of Kabokoy, Eco-guard Malinga, told us:
“The job of an eco-guard is not limited to park surveillance; it also involves participating in habitat restoration. Here in Kundelungu National Park, habitat management consists essentially of burning dry grasses so that young grasses may grow. This operation is very important because the survival of herbivores depends directly on it, and that of carnivores indirectly.”
According to Scieur
| [11] | Scieur, P. (2005). Sociology of Organizations, Paris, Armand Colin. P 180. |
[11]
, in organizational theory, the eco-guard brigade can be understood as a structural and collective form of rational action with the same properties as the global system it belongs to. Here, we note that within Kundelungu National Park, the brigade is a rational collective structure whose responsibilities include active participation in park management operations—one of which is habitat management, including the burning of dry grasses.
Furthermore, as technical agents, all personnel employed by the Institute under a work contract and operating within a conservation, protection, inspection, management, tourism supervision, or rational resource use program—including wardens and eco-guards—are recognized as having these responsibilities (ICCN Personnel Statute, p. 7).
This practice is very important for ecological balance. In a protected area with wildlife populations, carnivores depend on herbivores; if herbivores struggle to find food, the consequences will affect the entire ecosystem.
3) The practice "ku bamba ba infracteurs" or “arresting offenders”
This activity is among the main responsibilities of Eco guards, meaning the protection of the park against all forms of human-induced aggression. Arrests within Kundelungu National Park during Eco guard patrols are carried out in accordance with Law No. 14/003 of 11 February 2014 on nature conservation, which defines the offenses punishable by the conservator.
Understood as a formal practice, one of the Eco guards, Mumbere, expressed it as follows:
“We Eco guards play a dual role, that of the military and that of the police, by protecting the integrity of the park and ensuring compliance with the laws within it. During patrols, if we find someone violating the law on the protection and conservation of nature, he is immediately arrested and brought before the conservator, who is an OPJ (judicial police officer) with limited jurisdiction in matters of nature protection and conservation.”
Article 14 of this law
| [12] | Law No. 14/003 of February 11, 2014 relating to nature protection and conservation. |
[12]
states that: “Subject to the exceptions provided for by this law or by texts establishing an integral reserve, the following are prohibited in integral reserves:
To remove, hunt, fish, capture, harass or deliberately kill specimens of protected species;
To intentionally disturb these species, especially during periods of reproduction, dependence, hibernation or migration;
To destroy, damage, remove or collect their eggs, or alter their position;
To deteriorate or destroy breeding sites, resting areas or any natural habitat where these species live at any stage of their biological cycle;
To possess, transport, exchange, sell or buy, offer or give away specimens or any part of these species taken from the wild;
To possess, sell, buy or transport any product whose packaging or advertisement claims to contain specimens of protected species;
To display such specimens in public places.
To fly an aircraft at an altitude below 300 meters.
To cut, uproot, or intentionally destroy specimens of threatened plant species in the wild;
To possess, transport, sell or buy such plant species taken from nature;
To intentionally deteriorate or destroy habitats in which the presence of these plant species is established."
Viewed as a security mechanism for the park, this falls within an organizational framework guided by Eco guards. Moreover, the Eco guard unit functions as an organization that adheres to institutional values, since all their activities are dictated by the 2014 law on the protection and conservation of nature; this security mechanism is therefore regulatory. In this sense, the unit acts both as an institution and an organization.
4) The practice "ku pomona ma miteko" or “destroying traps”
Although rudimentary, this practice is among the most dangerous. Poachers can set dozens of traps in a single day, endangering many species, and the traps are often placed in concealed areas, making them difficult to detect.
Eco guard Kisseba explained it to us as follows:
“For poachers, setting traps remains the least expensive method, and due to the scarcity of big game, it is also the most effective way to catch small mammals and birds. It is also a hunting method that requires great discretion—no noise or gunfire—which makes it hard to detect. Here in the park, we are multitasking. During patrols, if we come across a trap, we are obliged to destroy it, regardless of the type of trap, because we are here to protect the animals. If we do not do this, animals may be caught and killed, since trapping is the method most used by poachers.”
This testimony implicitly informs us that although poachers sometimes possess firearms, they rely heavily on traps, which remain the most commonly used method because it is inexpensive, accessible, discreet, and easy to set.
From this perspective, we understand how important it is for the conservator to emphasize de-trapping operations or the systematic destruction of traps. Traps represent a major threat to nature conservation in this protected area. Indeed, from our observations during patrols in areas farther from the Katwe station—such as around the Lufutishi River on the Katofyo road—traps are too numerous to count; within a one-kilometer radius, one may encounter a hundred traps as well as nets used to capture large birds such as guinea fowl.
4.4.2. Informal Practices During Ecoguard Patrols in Kundelungu National Park
This section aims to present the informal practices observed during ecoguard patrols in Kundelungu National Park. Four types of informal practices were identified. Note that the names originate from natural language categories, and their meanings were clarified during interviews with different actors involved in ecoguard patrols.
1) The practice "Iyi njo bana turipiyaka" — “That’s why we are paid” / “Exaggeration of observation data”
The expression “iyi njo bana turipiyaka” is Swahili for “That’s why we are paid.” It refers to the practice observed during patrols in Kundelungu National Park involving the false completion of patrol forms regarding wildlife observations. This consists of inflating the number of wildlife sightings to highlight the importance of ecoguards’ work by making it appear that many animals were observed—even when this is not the case. The goal is to meet the expectation of having a minimum number of observations recorded in the service log.
Ecoguard Sanza described this practice as follows:
“Patrols today are very different from those in the past. Today there are many things to report on documents, beyond the simple surveillance done in earlier times. When we return from patrols without having noted many wildlife observations, our superiors think we are not doing our job properly. That’s why, when we patrol areas with few animals or where sightings are rare—and since we are instructed to report something at least every thirty minutes—when we find ourselves in such a situation, we resort to falsifying the wildlife observation records.”
According to the data collected in the field, this practice is used by ecoguards in order to enhance the value of their profession.
From the analysis of this testimony, a reality becomes clear regarding how observations are reported by ecoguards in Kundelungu National Park: given the scarcity of wildlife—despite ongoing park rehabilitation—and the pressure from their hierarchy, which no longer tolerates negligence during patrols aimed at minimizing or eliminating illegal activities, ecoguards feel obliged to inflate wildlife observations.
Under such pressure, ecoguards, wishing to keep their jobs, resort to this practice which, in their view, reinforces the value of their work. When they return to headquarters at the Katwe station or when they submit patrol reports from the field stations, their superiors feel proud when numerous wildlife observations are recorded.
2) The practice “Avantage ya terrain” or “the advantage of the field” / self-appropriation of poachers’ belongings
The practice known as “avantage ya terrain” (“the advantage of the field”), according to field data, refers to a situation in which actors take advantage of patrols as an opportunity to help themselves to seized items.
Mr. Tumala, chief of a patrol post who, before the interview, did not want his real name or the post he supervises to appear in our work, explained to us:
“You know, we are soldiers because we carry weapons, and like any soldier, beyond the profession itself, patrols offer certain advantages. During arrests here in the park, we seize certain belongings from offenders, most of whom are poachers. This is Congo; not all seized objects reach the headquarters. Anything that can be useful to us—money, boots, machetes—we keep, and whatever does not interest us, we take to headquarters.”
Ecoguard Manone added the following:
“You know, provision of field equipment is not regular here. This is why, during our patrols, we do our best to catch offenders—this gives us an extra reason. We seize their belongings and use them, and this helps us save on certain small expenses, because if you don't know, we earn a miserable salary while having major responsibilities. Most of us are married and fathers of several children.”
The ecoguard, as an actor, is not someone devoid of initiative. Nor is he acting in a posture of automatism that implies performing actions without the involvement of will—in other words, blind obedience to formal organizational rules. Instead, he operates as an actor for whom the constraints of the organizational context force detours (…) obliging him to cheat with his own objectives or “bend” to the needs of his personality.
This reality—taking advantage of patrols to equip oneself, thus treating patrols as an opportunity—resembles the idea of “managing demonstrations as a livelihood,” described by Kayimbo Kabanda Adrien in his thesis on how public demonstrations are managed by the police in the city of Lubumbashi. His analysis shows how managing demonstrations becomes a source of income for police officers.
It should be noted that, due to the lack of regular supply of equipment, ecoguards use their presence in the field—patrols—to compensate for missing items such as boots, lighters, etc. At the same time, they also consider patrols as a livelihood. During arrests, offenders are stripped of everything they have on them; and when poachers flee, they usually abandon many items. Ecoguards sort through what may be useful to them, and deliver the rest to their headquarters.
3) The practice “Tuna fika mu parc” (“we have arrived in the park”) / consumption of animals killed by poachers
This practice consists of ecoguards deviating from the rules and instructions of their institution by consuming the remains or carcasses of animals killed by poachers who flee, abandoning them for fear of being caught. The rule, however, is that these remains must be taken to headquarters to be burned.
On this, ecoguard Malango told us:
“My brother, put yourself in our place. Today, a park ranger no longer has the right to kill even a mouse in this park—otherwise it’s straight to Kipushi prison. And here our food ration consists only of salted fish (bitoyo), and if it changes at all, it’s maybe tiny fish. Life in this park is not easy, as the market closest to the Katwe station—where our camp is located—is about fifty kilometers away. And we don’t have a salary that would allow us to make that trip for supplies. This is why patrols give us an opportunity to eat meat when we come across a poachers’ camp that has been abandoned as they flee.”
In response to whether they are aware that ethically it is not good for a ranger to consume the meat of species they work tirelessly to protect, ecoguard Kipasu replied:
“Sir, we know it’s not good for an ecoguard to get used to eating the meat of the species he is supposed to protect, because we all know that habit becomes nature. By eating them, we would always feel the desire to eat this or that species, which could become a serious danger for these animals. That is why our superiors forbid this practice, which in recent years has been considered internal poaching. But what can we do after spending weeks and weeks eating salted fish? Once the opportunity arises, we take advantage, and we keep it secret among those who participated in the patrol.”
From the analysis of these statements, many realities emerge in the daily life of ecoguards assigned to surveillance in Kundelungu National Park: insufficient salaries despite minor improvements, a lack of pay for new recruits, a monotonous food supply consisting solely of fish—these are issues that deserve attention.
There is indeed a paradox: these agents are entrusted with protecting immensely valuable national heritage while living in indescribable poverty—monotonous supplies, no guaranteed access to medical care, no decent housing, and unemployment among their children… These poor conditions make them vulnerable and unable to fulfil their mission properly, predisposing them to abuses.
4) The practice “Ashi kapimake tena” (“may he never dare again”) / terrorizing poachers
According to our empirical data, the practice “ashi kapimake tena”, which means “may he never dare again,” is carried out by ecoguards to prevent offenders—mostly poachers—from reoffending. This is done by terrorizing them during arrests, firing bursts into the air or near them to instill great fear of the park and of the ecoguards.
Regarding this practice, ecoguard Mupelembi stated:
“These days, it has become rare to see a poacher reoffend, because they know that the team currently in charge of surveillance does not mess around. What used to hurt us most was when poachers, once released and back in their villages, spoke disrespectfully about ecoguards, beating their chests and saying that we don’t scare them and that we can’t do anything to them because we are just civilians, even though we carry guns. All this because we had long been too soft with them. This is why we adopted this method: once we chase them down and control them, we fire bursts of gunshots next to them or into the air to frighten them. It often happens that some wet themselves from fear, and then they either go to prison or flee, terrified.”
The ecoguard, as an actor, is not devoid of initiative. Nor is he a passive executor of movements dictated from outside, as determinism would imply. Instead, he is an agent with strategies to bypass institutional constraints
| [13] | Digneffe, F., et al. (1990). Social Actor and Delinquency: A Reading Grid of the Criminal Justice System, Liège/Brussels, Pierre Mardaga. |
[13]
, to innovate, to cheat with his own objectives, or to adapt them to the needs of his personality.
This reflects the kind of power defined
| [14] | Quivy, R., Van Campenhoudt, L. & Marquet, J., (2017). Manual of Social Science Research, 5th ed., Paris, Dunod. |
[14]
as the “capacity to exert influence over others and over social situations despite their resistance.” Patrols reveal this power by granting ecoguards leverage over interactions with offenders in the park.
In reaction to the disrespectful remarks poachers make once released and back in their villages, ecoguards, when face-to-face with offenders in the park, seek by all means to show them that they are the ones in control.
Share This Article
Twitter
Linked In
Facebook
Copy
Download